Recent protests by anti-corruption protester Anna Hazare have reignited the anti-corruption movement and initiated many debates regarding the impact of corruption on India’s population. However, a noticeable omission from these discussions has been the impact of corruption on women throughout India. Women are more susceptible to the negative impacts of corruption for several reasons.

Firstly, women have less access to resources than their male counterparts and are therefore less able to function and progress in a society that is underpinned by corruption at the family, community and institutional level. Women, who are unable to pay bribes, are often unable to access vital public services such as medical care and education. The lack of access to these services leads to women experiencing poorer health, less jobs opportunities and further marginalisation from society.

Secondly, women generally have less access to capital and less ability to develop strong and influential networks within their community. This means that women have less access to decision making power and have limited capacity to influence decisions that directly or indirectly impact their lives. Corruption persists at all levels of government throughout India and access to and influence over decision makers is often dependent on connections and collateral. Women’s lack of access to both these resources renders them less able to influence decisions meaning that issues impacting women are perceived to be less important, are allocated fewer resources and in many cases are largely ignored.

Finally, the patriarchal nature of Indian society means that women are more at risk of exploitation and less likely to receive institutional protection and support. A major form of corruption that directly impacts women and children is sexual exploitation, such as providing sexual services in place of bribes, forced prostitution and trafficking. The marginalisation of women from social and economic recourses and capital restricts their capacity to participate equally within society and forces them to engage in behaviours and interactions that are harmful and disempowering. Corruption within government bodies and law enforcement agencies has led to a culture of ignoring corrupt and exploitative behaviours. Women receive little support and protection from corruption and are largely unable to successfully prosecute perpetrators of corrupt practices.

In a country where 49 percent of women are poor, corruption can both increase women’s marginalisation and poverty and stifle women’s attempts to address gender inequality within their communities. It is a central factor in the perpetuation of gender inequality within India. And, the fact that the gender dimensions of corruption continue to be overlooked is both concerning and detrimental to women’s empowerment.

By Dr. Ranjana Kumari, Director of Centre for Social Research. 

Every newborn girl child will now be adopted by the Government of India. This is the India Planning Commission’s vision, in a new bid to tackle the country’s declining sex ratio. The Commission’s proposal renders the government responsible for the protection of pregnant mothers and their unborn daughters in rural areas, through involvement of health workers and local NGOs, and cash incentives for mothers and midwives.

The Planning Commission suggests monitoring all pregnancies in India by detecting the sex of the child early on and then subsequently supporting parents expecting a girl. Health workers will assist the mother through every stage of her pregnancy and track the growth of the child until she reaches two years of age.

At present, sex determination tests are illegal in India.  When taken with the intention of preventing female births, such tests constitute a violation of the most fundamental human right, the right to life, and are a clear manifestation of violence against women.  Nonetheless, the void between the number of female and male children continues to expand, and India bears the shame of having the worst sex ratio in the world. 2011 Census data reveals the number of girl children (aged 0-6) has decreased from 927 to 914 girls per 1000 boys in the last decade. This is a good indication of the extent to which sex-selective abortions and other harmful practices are carried out in India, regardless of preventative legislation.

The Planning Commission is therefore highly critical of the ban on sex determination tests and proposes relaxing the law to make way for an alternative, more effective solution. However, their proposed alternative will only aggravate the problem. The idea of conducting sex determination tests in rural India is, for lack of a better word, ridiculous. This proposal is not only short-sighted because it overlooks the strong prevalence of pre-natal sex selection in urban areas, but also for failing to address the socio-economic and cultural context of the declining child sex ratio. In light of poverty, patriarchal social structures and traditions, or a combination of all three, parents-to-be continue to go to all lengths to avoid having a girl child. As a result, between 1980 and 2010, somewhere between four to twelve million Indian girls were aborted because of their sex. The question is therefore, when the parents themselves do not want to give birth to girls, how effective can the government really be in persuading them to change their mindsets? Determining the sex of every unborn child in India would make women very vulnerable to pressure and violence from family and community members, potentially leading to an increase in abortion and suicide rates.

Sadly, while the ban on sex determination tests was at one time a landmark achievement,  the Indian girl child is now being treated as a pawn in a game of statistics and unethical lobbying, not as a human being. Now is not the time to relax India’s law on the prohibition of sex determination tests.

By Dr. Ranjana Kumari, Director of Centre for Social Research.

Despite the fact that the safety of women is an issue raised time and time again, for women in India fear is a constant companion. A recent survey by Trustlaw Women has re-affirmed those fears after ranking India as the fourth most dangerous country for women in the world. As they strike out on their search for economic and social independence, such a dangerous environment can become akin to terror on women.

Worryingly, Indian women are often treated as the catalyst of violence and sexual assault rather than the victim. Cases of rape provide a good example. For instance, rather than find out the details of the case or ask why the police didn’t arrive at the scene on time, blame is usually placed on the aggrieved girl herself – ‘why was she out in an unsafe place at night?’, ‘why was she alone?’, ‘why was she wearing provocative and revealing clothes?’. This reflects not only the attitudes of a few, but also the mindset of Indian people on the whole. Victim blaming exists within the general public, within families, and even within the institutions which are supposed to be keeping our cities safe. This kind of thinking perpetuates crime against women and is an obstacle in the road for organisations like CSR who are working to create a safer environment for women and girls within their own homes and their own country.

Statistics compiled by the National Crime Record Bureau show that the number of reported rapes across the country has increased substantially from only 
2,487 in 1971 to 21,176 in 2008. An incredible number of additional, unreported instances of rape are missing from this picture. And, while it is fair to point out that Indian population has risen during this period but so too has the strength and number of policemen deployed for citizens’ safety. The answer to these problems does not lie in the more old-fashioned approach of prohibiting the freedom of mobility of women, but in educating people about the wrongs of violence against women, and convicting the perpetrators who are unfit to live in our society. We must strive to ensure women’s freedom and make the streets and households of Delhi safer for all.

It is saddening that even in urban India, people do not feel safe. In a 2004 survey of 13,000 people for the Delhi Human Development Report (HDR), only 19% of those asked said that they felt Delhi is safe for women. The HDR recommended a shift from a more traditional, restrictive approach to women’s safety to one that concentrates on ‘women’s right to a life free from fear and violence’. This is exactly the kind of approach we should be promoting. Earlier this year the Delhi Police Commissioner outraged people by saying “you (women) cannot drive alone at 2am 
on Delhi roads and then claim that the Capital is unsafe”. Why did his comment tick people off? Largely because, instead of vowing to think up new and innovative ways to protect the city’s women, he advised them to do something which in fact impinges upon their freedom and only adds to their fears. This kind of attitude is detrimental to efforts being made to change conservative Indian mentality. While approaches to women’s safety in the past revolved around concepts of fear, restriction and self-preservation, we now need to focus on empowering women and giving them the confidence to walk the streets, ride public transport and enjoy everything that this city has to offer. This confident outlook will only be achieved by making the Capital a safer place for women, men, and children alike.

Recommendations by Dr. Ranjana Kumari, Director of Centre for Social Research

Photo Credit: Pius Lee

Hands painted with delicate swirls of henna; a drop of red dye pressed onto her forehead beneath a colourful, sparkling veil; jewelled bracelets clinking as she lifts her arms to fix her delicate gold nose ring in place: the Indian bride is the personification of beauty and grace.

It is not difficult to imagine why the majority of Indian girls begin dreaming of their wedding day from a very early age. It’s one of the most important days in a woman’s life and a proud occasion for parents and extended family too. Sadly, however, not every wedding day or marriage is picture-perfect. Non-Resident Indian marriages (NRI marriages), for example, often result in pain, heartache, shame, and the manipulation of Indian culture and traditions. They are a curse for unsuspecting girls and an enigma for Indian society.

NRI marriages involve the union of a non-resident Indian man who was born outside of India, or has migrated to another country and a resident Indian woman. Parents, usually with their daughter’s best interests at heart, get excited by a marriage offer from a NRI – a man who is seen to be exotic, successful and wealthy (and who may even tell lies of the sort). Blinded by a seemingly lucrative offer, families overlook the potential dangers posed by this type of impulsive matchmaking.

You may be wondering - what is so sinister about a NRI marriage proposal? Despite legal prohibition of dowry in 1961 in India, the custom still continues in many parts of the country – especially in poor, rural communities. An ill-intentioned NRI will go to great lengths in order to get his hands on dowry payment and then escape scot-free. As outlined in a report by the National Commission for Women on “Problems Relating to NRI Marriages”, women who are married off to these NRI men face a variety of grim consequences. Some women reach the country of their husband’s residence, only to be left standing at the airport when he doesn’t show. These women are abandoned in a foreign country with absolutely no support, sustenance, means of returning home, and often without even legal permission to stay on. Others find themselves victim to ex-parte divorce from a court abroad, without their consent. Some wives are brutally battered, abused, malnourished, confined, and forced to flee or forcibly sent back to India. There are also NRI marriage stories of children being abducted or forcibly taken away from their mothers.

So what can be done to address the situation?

The first step in tackling these issues is to spread awareness. The more people are aware of the pitfalls of NRI Marriages, the more cautious they will be when a stranger comes asking for a daughter’s hand in marriage. To target the largest possible audience, awareness of cultural, social & legal aspects of NRI marriages needs publicised via all media outlets. Awareness programmes should be run principally in rural areas, where the most vulnerable brides and their families live. NGOs and State Government agencies could launch an extensive campaign to educate unwary communities about the potential dangers of  NRI marriages.

It is pertinent that registration of marriages be made compulsory in India. In certain regions, marriages are registered without the presence of bride or bridegroom. This malpractice should entail cancellation of marriage certificates. Most importantly, strong and stringent checks on registration of all NRI marriages need carried out. As laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, men and women are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution and both parties must freely and fully consent to wedlock. Registration and surveillance of NRI marriages will protect women from the grave consequences of scam weddings and marriage proposals.

Centre for Social Research urges the Government of India to draft new legislation and/or suitably amend existing legislation for the protection of women against malicious Non-Resident Indian marriages. A special NRI matrimonial law that deals comprehensively with marriage, divorce, maintenance, child custody and related issues, for example, would arm distressed and abandoned brides with much needed remedial armour. Amending current laws and introducing new rules and regulations would help victims of NRI marriages reclaim their fundamental rights to property, equality in marriage, the protection of family, freedom from inhuman or degrading treatment, and above all, dignity.

Every young Indian girl dreams of a future in which she is content and in which she is loved. Predatory Non-Resident Indians must be stopped from turning those dreams into nightmares.

Photo credit: wn.com

The notion of justice for women—more specifically, women’s access to justice—in India heavily relies on constitutional mandates that entrust the police with the role of ensuring that crimes against women are reported and investigated. According to a Thompson Reuters poll from just this year, India is the 4^th most dangerous place in the world for women. Clearly, the extent to which India has attained success in guaranteeing the safety of and providing a sense of security to its women remains highly debatable.

Last week, Chief Minister of West Bengal Mamata Banerjee announced its plan to set up 65 all-woman police stations across 20 state districts. While the world’s first all-women police station was set up in Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1985, India was not far behind in launching its very own all-women police stations in the state of Tamil Nadu under the Jayalalitha government in 1992. Yet two decades later, the lack of strategic and visionary thinking has stalled the creation of these police stations all over India.

Like in Tamil Nadu and following the creation of one such station in Chandigargh, the upcoming all-women police stations in West Bengal will make it possible for women officers to investigate crimes against women—and for victims of such crimes to be attended to by women officers. According to the Chief Minister, these police stations will deal with increasing crimes against women and encourage women to join the police force.

Police stations in India are notoriously hostile environments, leaving some victims feeling less secure than before their visit. In particular, victims of rape, sexual harassment and trafficking have reported revictimisation by the very police officers tasked with helping them. In the largely patriarchal Indian society, most women still consider discussing personal or sexual matters with a stranger—especially a man—improper.

For these reasons and more, the CSR team is excited to see the all-women police station initiative taking root in West Bengal. In a recent discussion, our Director Dr. Ranjana Kumari commented that as a “leading light,” Calcutta will hopefully inspire the Government of India to implement the same all-women police stations nationwide. These stations, Dr. Kumari said, “will lead to gender sensitised policing and also give confidence and a higher comfort level to women to come forward and share their grievances with the police.”

On the one hand, all-women police stations might seem like a short-term, top-down fix to deeper and more widespread gender imbalances—much like women-only metro cars soothe the symptoms of patriarchy, not abolish its root causes. Admittedly, CSR’s own Gender Training Institute works with Delhi’s South District Police Force in a more long-term, bottom-up approach to gender justice in law enforcement: implementing station-by-station gender sensitisation training courses for both men and women police officers.

However, gender sensitisation is an ongoing and gradual process, with the final product impossible to perfectly determine ahead of time. So while all-women police stations don’t address the root causes of inequity, they are likely one vital component of a more inclusive, long-term strategy toward ensuring women receive the justice they deserve. Not to mention that these stations, which basically effect a quota, will allow more women to pursue careers in the police force, still a deeply patriarchal institution itself.

It’s important to ensure that the police personnel in these all women police stations are well equipped to handle the magnitude of cases that could pour into these police stations and should be specially trained in tacking issues of violence against women. Hence providing women victims with comfortable environments via all-women police stations, equipping women and men in the police force with better facilities to tackle gender based violence, and endeavouring to make wider and more long-lasting change through gender sensitisation of police officers will have to go hand in hand to transform India into a country where crime victims of all genders access and receive justice.

By Dr. Ranjana Kumari, Director of Centre for Social Research

The brutal murder of two women in the presence of an entire village in Bhiwani, Haryana state, where two men beat two women to death for having an alleged affair, is just one of the nearly 1,000 so-called “honour” killings reported annually across India. According to local news reports, the men beat the first woman for nearly an hour in public until she died, before moving on to the other woman. Not a single person intervened, nor did anyone inform the police who arrived two hours after the incident ended. Even a day after the incident, when news reporters attempted to find eyewitnesses to recount the event, only a few young men in the entire community stepped forward to say anything.

Women’s groups across the country have demanded an explanation from Haryana’s Chief Minister for why illegal systems of justice (khap panchayats, similar to a village council) continue to pass judgments and declare punishments to supposed transgressors of local social norms. These barbaric acts, “honour” killings, are not only illegal but also demonstrate the complete collapse of law and order. In this most recent case, the district magistrate, panchayat leader and Chief Minister must be held accountable for allowing such crimes in their territories. Also, the villagers who mutely acted as spectators and refused to intervene must also be charged in a criminal court.

Only yesterday, India’s Supreme Court announced their judgment banning khap panchayats. The Supreme Court also instructed the police and other law enforcement agencies to ensure the implementation of this law and enforce stringent punishment to perpetrators of so-called “honour” killings. This order is expected to bring relief to thousands of women who live under constant fear.

Women’s groups had been emphasising over the years that khap panchayats and illegal systems of justice must be banned, and the perpetrators of so called “honour” killings must be punished. It is about eliminating the constant fear of being judged and then punished at any moment by such illegal and biased “courts” even when we are living in a democracy with a fully functional judiciary.

We are relieved to see that the Supreme Court has finally, at long last, taken action, and I hope that this judgment will protect our sisters and daughters living in traditional rural settings. Now it is the duty of the state, the police and the society to protect their women from the inhuman verdicts of these illegal courts.

By Leela Khanna, a Centre for Social Research intern from Colorado, USA. Leela will be attending Bard College in New York this autumn.

Over the course of this last week, Indians living in India and abroad have had two thoughts on their mind: the victory of the Indian cricket team at the ICC Cricket World Cup championships, and the Anna Hazare anti-corruption rallies gripping the country.

Gandhian activist Hazare began a widely publicised campaign to fast-unto-death until the Indian government agreed to draft a more effective anti-corruption bill. When I first heard of Hazare’s fast, I was initially very excited to see the outcome of his efforts. As I continued to watch the news and the overwhelming support generated by this one man, I was shocked—in a good way.

Corruption has become deeply enrooted in India—within the government, the police force, the courts and all across the corporate and civil sectors—while public figures have been hesitant to speak out and spearhead anti-corruption efforts. Yet here was a man, over 70 years old, wearing nothing more than a simple dhoti and owning little worldly possessions, fighting for something that we all believe in but rarely take a stand on.

Anna’s acts inspired me to attend a rally Friday night at Jantar Mantar, in central New Delhi, with thousands of other Hazare supporters. People were rallying the streets all around Janpath and Connaught Place; shouts of Mera Bharat Mahan and Vanday Mataram were rippling through the crowd of people. Young and old, students and professionals, rich and poor were standing together confessing their love for one nation. A few hours later, Anna announced that the government had agreed to his conditions and that he would be breaking his fast.

Once again, I witnessed our nation celebrating together, as one. And maybe it was because it was so similar, or maybe because I just wasn’t quite over cricket mania, but the scene at Jantar Mantar reminded me of a few days ago when all of India once again stood together to celebrate cricket—throwing parties, setting off fireworks and even hugging strangers in the streets.

I’ve always been proud to be Indian, but at least for me, being Indian has meant something different this past week. Being Indian means putting aside our own personal priorities for once to stand up for something that is so much bigger than we are. Being Indian means to forget the differences we have created—castes and class, especially—to stand together as one. But most importantly, being Indian means to be proud of our nation and show that we care for it.

I was fortunate to be in India when all of these history-making events took place. Before this week, I honestly thought that I would never see a day when all of India would be passionate enough to come together like a nation. Luckily for me, I got to witness two of those days.

Leading politicians, activists and academics met yesterday at a CSR-organised event entitled, “Women’s Reservation Bill: The Road Ahead,” to demand the passage of the 33% Women’s Reservation Bill and call for greater gender equality throughout India. With approximately 200 people in attendance at the Constitution Club in New Delhi, we also passed a resolution calling for the Lok Shabha to pass the Bill, which mandates that 33 percent of seats are reserved for female politicians in national and state assemblies, without delay.

At the same time, we celebrated the release of CSR Director Dr. Ranjana Kumari’s newest book, “Reign She Will,” which chronicles developments within the women’s movement since Indian independence, while also laying out key reasons why the immediate passage of the Reservation Bill is so crucial.  “While the Bill still waits,” Dr. Kumari remarked, “women will not.”

Dr. Anand Kumar, a senior sociology professor at JNU, spoke on the increasing gap between rich and poor in India, and the high levels of corruption in the Lok Shabha. The only way to save the country from this corruption, he argued, is through democratic participation of the people at the grass roots—and that means more female politicians ensuring a fair representation of India’s women in politics.

Dr. Prabha Thakur, President of the All India Mahila Congress and Member of Parliament representing Rajasthan in the Rajya Sabha, described women as the backbone of society who we must respect and give their due.

Dr. Kiran Bedi, India’s first and highest ranking female Indian Police Service officer (retired in 2007), argued that since the Bill has not been passed, it’s apparent that political parties are not truly willing to support and implement the Bill despite what they say in front of the media. She also argued that those few women already inside Parliament walls are reluctant to support the Bill, fearing that more women in politics will mean less power for existing female politicians.

Dr. D. Raja, National Secretary of the Communist Party of India, proclaimed, “Unless India acknowledges the importance of gender equality and achieve it we are not a full civilization.”

On a different note, Ms. Chandresh Kumari MP, Indian National Congress Party and President, Parliamentary Committee of Empowerment and Advancement of Women, said that the passing of the Bill is tokenism, and that real mark of success is in the implementation.

View more photos of the speakers and participants at Centre for Social Research’s Flickr account.